Maoists threaten to quit govt in two days

BY GHANASHYAM OJHA
KATHMANDU, June 4 - CPN-Maoist has threatened to quit the government in two days if it is not allowed to form the next government by tomorrow.
Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, during a meeting with Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala at the latter's official residence in Baluwatar on Tuesday urged the PM to immediately step down to facilitate the Maoists to forming the next government.
"If Nepali Congress and UML don't withdraw their conditions and don't allow us to form the next government by tomorrow, we will quit the government," said senior Maoist leader Dr Baburam Bhattarai, who was present at the meeting.
He charged that the NC and the UML were obstructing Maoists from forming the next government by putting forth 'meaningless' conditions.
During the meeting Dahal told Koirala that CPN- Maoist, being the largest political party, has the legitimate claim to form the next government. He also told Koirala that Maoists can't initiate consultations on forming the government until the Prime Minister resigns.
"The Prime Minister must resign and should call us to form the next government," Dr Bhattarai said, adding, "Otherwise, we will be morally compelled to quit the government."
Maoist Chairman Dahal, during the meeting, reiterated the Maoist position that it (Maoist) will not share the top posts - President and Prime Minister with NC or UML.
"We will never share the top posts -President and Prime Minister with any of the two loser parties -NC and UML," said Dr Bhattarai, adding, "Losers can't claim any of the top posts."
The Prime Minister, during the meeting, agreed to call a meeting of three major political parties - NC, UML and Maoist - to seek political consensus tomorrow.
Today, the Maoist leadership discussed the current political stalemate with leaders of UML, Madhesi People's Rights Forum (MPRF) and Terai Madhes Democratic Party (TMDP).
"We basically made our position clear and informed them that we will quit the government if political consensus is not reached by tomorrow evening," said Dr Bhattarai.
Meanwhile, NC and UML today decided to stand over their previous positions -amending the two-third provision in the interim constitution and sharing the top posts. In a meeting held at PM Koirala's residence, the leaders decided to urge Maoists to agree on amending the two-third provision to form and remove the government and share the top posts during tomorrow's meeting.
"We both (NC and UML) reiterated our position and decided that both the top posts can't be given to a single party," said NC General Secretary Bimalendra Nidhi, who was present during the meeting. (Kantipuronline)

Nepal Maoist chief refuses to renounce armed struggle

TOKYO, June 3: Nepal’s Maoist chief has ruled out renouncing armed struggle but said a return to violence was unlikely after the former rebels achieved their goal of ending the world’s last Hindu monarchy.The Maoists, who waged a decade-long insurgency that left more than 13,000 people dead, won a convincing election victory for a special assembly that last week voted to dethrone King Gyanendra.In an interview published on Tuesday, Prachanda, whose nom de guerre means “The Fierce One,” said that the election showed that the Nepalese people wanted “peace and change.” “I don’t think there will be any kind of necessity to use arms again,” he told Japan’s Yomiuri Shimbun.But he refused to renounce the right of armed struggle by the Maoists, who have 31,000 fighters in UN-monitored camps across the land of Mount Everest.“It doesn’t mean nobody should take arms to resist oppression of the government or something like that. I can’t predict that,” he said.The Maoists have called for their guerrillas to be brought into Nepal’s army, formerly a bastion of royalist support.But Nepal’s army, while pledging to respect the decision to abolish the monarchy, has said it would be impossible for indoctrinated leftist guerrillas to integrate into the 90,000-strong force.The United States, which supplied arms to Nepal to fight the rebels, continues to classify the Maoists as terrorists, thereby restricting the group’s travel and financial transactions.Washington has repeatedly called on the Maoists to stop violence and intimidation and rein in their dreaded youth league.But in a shift, the United States has held talks with Prachanda, a former schoolteacher whose real name is Pushpa Kamal Dahal and who spent more than two decades underground.Prachanda, whose rebels were long sharply critical of the West and neighbouring India, said he wanted “a diplomatic relationship” with the United States.“I think the US is going to change its attitude and policy. They are trying to understand the real dynamics of our country,” he said.“Slowly, gradually, they are taking more pragmatic steps.” (The Dawn)

Only Ramilas can save democracy

She had not yet recovered from the shock of seeing the partially decomposed, drowned and mercilessly tortured body of her beloved husband Ramhari Shrestha, but she was not a bit frightened to meet the leader of the party that killed her husband. She was eye-to-eye with Prachanda, boldly interrogating the country’s most powerful person: Why had her husband to lose life so pathetically? Prachanda was totally on defense. He was meekly replying that it was a grave mistake committed in the process of historic transformation of the armed political party into peaceful politics.
She said, “I want assurance from you that no other innocent persons will have to suffer inhuman torture and lose life like my husband,” from the core of her heart without any bias and fear. At this point this writer thought if all Nepali wives and daughters become as strong as Ramila Shrestha, we need not be worried about the lawlessness and any form of totalitarianism in this country. Such an attitude can safeguard our democracy and sovereignty. We need courage, commitment and strength of Ramila Shrestha and her family members.
Thanks to the family members and others who supported and encouraged Ramila Shrestha, 30, to raise voice against the injustice to her family. She knew that her courage and resilience would not bring her dead husband back. And it might even cause trouble to her family in the future. But still she stood up against the injustice, which will definitely protect many people from suffering the fate of her late husband. Assessing her drive of seeking justice, she will not definitely keep quiet until the party punishes the culprits like Kali Bahadur Kham Magar “Bibidh” and his accomplices.
If we wish to protect hard-earned democracy and long-fought republic, we had to emulate Ramila Shrestha. Everybody knows those who have been taking the laws into their hands, who have been running a parallel administration, who have been intimidating people, who have been extorting and who have been kidnapping. All such acts have been culminating in serious violations of human rights. Sadly a few are showing courage to raise such issues, defying them is yet too far. Instead, many are attracted toward the power center as moths are to the fire. Hardly do they realize that joining the rat race and keeping mum for every violation of rights would only embolden the force, not to renounce violence and politics of guns.
Of course, we have abolished the monarchy and established a republic. Each and every Nepali deserves congratulations for this achievement. It will pay off even to those who were against it. But maintaining this is harder than earning it. We might have got rid of the monarchy, but feudalism that the monarchy institutionalized in this country is not easy to uproot. Feudalism is deep-seated in the culture of political parties. And it will definitely permeate into the Maoists as soon as they hold the reign of the government.
It was the trait of feudalism in the Nepali Congress and the UML that eroded their popularity. In 1990, Girija Prasad Koirala spoke from Tundikhel that democracy was also the victory of the then rulers — the Panchas — but in effect he could not become the real democratic leader even within his own party.
The NC only helped enlarge the number of feudal fiats. It hardly succeeded in addressing the issue of feudalism. The UML was expected to be the party that would serve the people. But it competed with the NC in serving its own cadres. The NC and the UML were competing only to serve their own loyal cadres. They never bothered to establish the culture of meritocracy, competence, honesty and integrity. Before they could realize and rectify their mistakes their support had been already waning. The election of April 10, 2008 was the first opportunity people got to vent out their ire.
It can be easily contemplated that the Maoists will suffer from the same disease. Moreover, being a cadre-based party they will always be under pressure to provide opportunities to their cadres who have sacrificed their lives and career for the revolution. Only if they could realize in time that the sacrifices of the political cadres are for the progress, prosperity and development of the country, and not to get certain positions and earn money. The sacrifices of the people who love the nation do not end after the party assumes power. If they don’t realize this, then they are opportunists, and not true nationalists.
Now, as the Maoists are on the verge of being at the helm of power, we have to focus more on them. They will definitely attempt to change themselves if they are confronted effectively. The parties told them to change the character of their semi-military group YCL, and they have committed to do so. Had not the case of Ramhari Shrestha been exposed to this proportion, they would not have so easily agreed on it. Similarly, the question we need to ask to the Maoists is about their financial transparency.
Sometime back Maoist leader Badal said that the Maoists would raise the strength of YCL to 1,000,000. At this point we need to ask them, how will they survive? From where will they get the money? What will they do? Why should the party, which is going to run the government, have such a strong paramilitary force? If we do not ask such pertinent questions, the process of turning into feudal will also apply to the Maoists. A few people will be controlling the resources and revenue of the country and the poor people will remain poorer and hungrier. Let us hope we are able to produce many Ramila Shresthas in every aspect of our life. (kantipuronline)

Strike over Nepal Maoist killing

By Charles Haviland BBC News, Kathmandu

Life in Nepal's capital, Kathmandu, has been brought to a halt by a general shutdown, called in protest at a killing by Maoist former rebels.
Human rights activists say the Maoists killed a Kathmandu businessman inside one of their military camps in southern Nepal earlier this month.
The former rebels say it was an isolated incident.
The Maoists face persistent accusations even though they won assembly elections and are working to form a government.
'Selfish'
Kathmandu's biggest streets were thronged by pedestrians on Wednesday with barely a motor vehicle moving.
Businesses and schools were also closed down.
In one part of town owners of fast-food restaurants burnt an effigy of the Maoist leader, Prachanda.
The strike was called by the family and colleagues of a restaurant-owner, Ram Hari Shrestha, who died in mysterious circumstances earlier this month.
The family says members of the Maoist army kidnapped him and beat him to death.
Civil society activists say he was tortured inside one of the camps where the former rebel soldiers are cantoned as part of a 2006 peace agreement.
Under that accord, those camps are placed under monitoring by the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMin).
The mission says Maoist military commanders have admitted to it that Maoist soldiers did kill Mr Shrestha.
UNMin has condemned the incident, but told the BBC it was not yet clear where the victim died. His body has not been found.
The Maoist leader, Prachanda, says the killing was the work of isolated people within his party whom he called "selfish".

We want a new relationship with India: Prachanda

New Delhi: Chairman of the Nepalese Maoist party Prachanda has said that he wants better ties with India and feels that the Indo-Nepal treaty of 1950 should be reviewed. Speaking exclusively to Karan Thapar on CNN-IBN’s Devil’s Advocate he discussed about the policy of maintaining equal ties with India and China.
He said that there should be some sort of special relation between Kathmandu and Delhi.
“We want a new relationship with India, which means better relation, better understanding and better cooperation," he added.
The Maoist leader, believed to be Nepal's prime minister-in-waiting, said he wanted each and every provision of the treaty to be reviewed in the new changing context for better relationship between two countries.
"I don't think reviewing the treaty will sabotage the relation," he said.
Watch video: http://www.ibnlive.com/videos/65494/we-want-a-new-relationship-with-india-prachanda.html(IBN live)

'Treaty review will not sabotage Indo-Nepal ties'

Kathmandu: Allaying fears that reviewing the 1950 Indo-Nepal Peace and Friendship Treaty will "sabotage" bilateral ties, Maoist chief Prachanda has said he wanted a "close" and "special" relationship with India on the basis of a "new" understanding.
"There should be some sort of special relation between Kathmandu and Delhi.... We want a new relationship with India, which means better relation, better understanding and better cooperation," Pushpa Kamal Dahal, also kinown as Prachanda, said
The Maoist leader, believed to be Nepal's prime minister-in-waiting, said he wanted "each and every" provision of the treaty to be reviewed in the "new changing context" for "better" relationship between two countries.
"People feel that that it (treaty) is not benefiting them, there is some kind of inequality in it, so people have, time and again, raised concern for reviewing the 1950 treaty," he told Karan Thapar in an interview for CNN-IBN's Devil's Advocate programme.
"I don't think reviewing the treaty will sabotage the relation," he said. (IBN live)

New Reports of U.S. Conspiracy against Nepal’s Maoists

By Siddharth Varadarajan The Hindu
There is an emerging conspiracy to prevent the Nepali Maoists to exercise national power — in the wake of their overwhelming victory on April 10. The Hindu in the article posted here that American ambassador Nancy Powell is “actively pushing” the idea that the discredited reactionary Girija Prasad Koirala should remain Prime Minister. A section of Nepali Congress says Maoists must first oust Koirala to stake claim to the top post. Amendment to interim constitution to allow PM to be removed by simple majority proposed.
the outlines of a possible crisis and decisive test of power are emerging. And these counterrevolutionary actions of the U.S. demand active exposure and opposition.
After first “congratulating the people of Nepal on their historic Constitutional Assembly election,” the United States is now seeking to subvert the electorate’s mandate by lobbying against the Maoists heading the next coalition government. According to political and diplomatic sources, the U.S. ambassador in Kathmandu, Nancy Powell, is “actively pushing” the idea that Girija Prasad Koirala should continue as Prime Minister. Under the interim constitution, all major decisions, including the appointment or removal of the Prime Minister, must be taken by consensus, failing which by a two-thirds majority. With the encouragement of the Americans, a section of the Nepali Congress (NC) leadership is now citing this provision to argue that the Maoists will first have to oust Mr. Koirala before they can stake a claim to the top post.
“Suicidal for party”
The American suggestion which one NC leader in an interview to The Hindu described as “suicidal for the party” runs counter to the belief of Indian and other diplomats here that a Maoist-led government is inevitable given the scale of their victory.
The CA consists of 601 seats, 575 of which are elected. Of these, the Maoists have 220, or 38.2 per cent, the NC only 110 and the Unified Marxist-Leninists (UML) 103. The four Madhesi parties have 85 seats between them. A further 26 seats will be filled by nomination on a pro rata basis.
In the current coalition based on the “interim legislature,” the NC, with 40 per cent of the seats, has not just the prime ministership but also the defence, home and finance portfolios. In line with this practice, Prachanda, chairman of the CPN Maoist, says his party will now head the coalition government and keep the three top ministries to itself.
Pressuring the Maoists
Though some observers feel the “GPK as PM” line is meant to pressure the Maoists into yielding at least one top portfolio to the NC or UML in an eventual coalition government, there is a fear that the proposal will take on a life of its own as other players who feel threatened by the Maoists such as the Palace and Army brass — latch on to it.
Last week, the entire debate within the NC was over whether the party should join the coalition led by the Maoists or not. But when the Central Working Committee of the NC met on Thursday (24 April) to take stock of the party’s defeat, senior leaders openly challenged the Maoists’ right to lead the government.
Second ‘proposal’
A second ‘proposal’ that is being floated to prevent the Maoists from forming a stable government is an amendment to the interim constitution to allow the Prime Minister to be removed by simple majority.
Since the Maoists will have more than one-third of the seats in the CA, the argument goes, there will be no check should they refuse to hold elections again. The Maoist leadership rejects these arguments.
“When the interim constitution itself spells out the lifespan of the CA and mandates fresh elections within a maximum period of two years and six months, where is the question of the Maoists delaying elections?” Mr. Prachanda told The Hindu. “Would any of these proposals or formulas have been made if the NC or UML had been in our position?” he asked. “That is the true test of how valid these proposals are.”
The Maoists fear the new emphasis on the “politics of numbers” will vitiate the consensual spirit that the CA needs to write Nepal’s new constitution.
Mr. Prachanda says the electorate’s mandate is for a coalition government led by the Maoists. “This is a time when all the parties have to work together the Maoists, the NC, UML, the [Madhesi Janadhikar] Forum and others.”
Role for Koirala
Asked what role he envisaged for Mr. Koirala, Mr. Prachanda said the “guardianship” of the NC leader had been crucial in pushing the peace process and ensuring that elections to the CA were held properly. “At the same time, he has repeatedly said he wants to retire from active politics and this must also be respected. And yet, we feel some way must be found for him to continue to play the role of a guardian. My view is that given his age and his own sentiments, the proper way to honour him would not be to insist on his involvement in the government or day-to-day politics. We have to find another way of honouring him. But if he wants, we are open-minded on this,” said Mr. Prachanda. “I told him we are prepared to talk about this.”

Prachanda interview: Full transcript

Interview with Prachanda taken in 13th February 2006
What America is thinking, I think they are thinking wrong.
It is the Americans who have that level of bloodthirstiness. They have been killing and attacking innocent civilians. We are not like that. We certainly want to capture Kathmandu for Nepali people, for democracy and for peace, it is important that the Nepali people have to conquer and we want to go to Kathmandu. It is not like the American vision where there would be a river of blood. We want to conquer Kathmandu with the people's rebellion.
When we started the people's revolution and when we first attacked the feudal elements' Royal Army, we believed that we could conquer Kathmandu militarily.
But later, when countries like the US, the UK and India started supporting the Royal Army militarily - against our people's war and the revolt of Nepali people - that has posed some difficulties.
That is why we believe that in today's world it's not possible only to move forward militarily.
Today's reality is to move forward both politically and militarily, with a balance of the two.
Only with this balance can we gain something for the people and the people's democracy.
That's why we are organising on both fronts, political and military.
Read the full transcript of Nepali Maoist leader Prachanda's exclusive interview with the BBC's Charles Haviland. (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4707482.stm)

UNMIN: Mission impossible?Nepal Politics

By DR RAMESH DAHAL
Following the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) was established by the UN in response to the request of the Seven-Party Alliance and the CPN (Maoist) with the objective of creating a free and fair atmosphere for the CA polls and the entire peace process. More than a year has gone by, but UNMIN’s performance, activities and efforts have been unsatisfactory and not in compliance with its entrusted mandate. This calls for a serious scrutiny.
UNMIN’s incompetent handling of its responsibilities could be seen from the very beginning of its mission when it started registering Maoist combatants and their arms. UNMIN had recorded 31,318 combatants at the beginning. The second round of verification revealed only 19,612 qualified combatants. Had the third verification taken place, the total number of cadres would undeniably have been further reduced.
One thing that needs to be mentioned here is that the registration process was conducted in phases in different places and spread out over a long period of time. This provided the Maoists ample time to prepare and train their proxy cadres to fit the UNMIN criteria, thereby allowing them to raise their numerical strength in a massive way and extract more money from the government. During the verification process at one of the Maoist cantonments in Ilam when many combatants were declared disqualified, the Maoists had bullied UNMIN into raising the pass rate.
UNMIN’s incompetence doesn’t end here. The number of registered weapons of the Maoists stands at 3,482 units. This figure seems rather incongruous considering that the Maoists have 19,612 fighters. This raises serious doubts about the standards set by UNMIN for the combatants. How can there be a combatant without a weapon? How could UNMIN have swallowed Prachanda’s ludicrous story that the rest of their guns were swept away by a river or destroyed in a fire? Preposterous!
Had UNMIN stuck to the “one weapon one combatant” theory, the Maoists would have been forced to reveal all the firearms they have stashed away out of sight. Can UNMIN admit that they have failed miserably in fulfilling one of their prime responsibilities of registering Maoist arms and combatants?
It is evident that the Maoists have been using UNMIN as a means of securing national and international legitimacy. UNMIN seems ignorant of the high-handed behavior of the Maoists who have been spreading havoc and making a mockery of the peace accord. UNMIN has often been criticized for its ineffectual performance, but each time it takes refuge behind the excuse that it has a limited mandate. What do the Nepali people make of that? Do we say that UNMIN has been pursuing a myopic policy in managing Nepal’s conflict?
Ian Martin, the head of the mission, is familiar with Nepal’s war history and its broader political equations. Before taking over UNMIN, he had served as chief of the OHCHR in Nepal. Moreover, Martin has, in varied capacities, dealt with diverse conflict situations in hot spots as wide-ranging as Haiti, Rwanda, Bosnia Herzegovina, Ethiopia, Eritrea and East Timor. How couldn’t somebody with such extensive experience in conflict management not push for a mandate suitable to Nepal’s situation?
UNMIN’s performance in monitoring Maoist cantonments is equally poor. The cantonments don’t have proper fences. There are frequent reports in the media of Maoist fighters walking in and out of the camps at will. Many of the combatants are reported to have taken up a new role as YCL cadres who have been working hard to win the coming election through intimidation and coercion. Maoist combatants have been roaming around freely in the capital and other parts of the country brandishing weapons with UN stickers on them. Why can’t UNMIN do anything about that? This is the greatest threat to the peace process and the electoral system.
Recent times have also seen the emergence of more than three dozen violent criminal outfits on the basis of religion, caste and region. The Kapilvastu communal riots and the Gaur massacre occurred in the presence of UNMIN.
UNMIN’s transparency and governance is another matter that needs to be examined. It has been observed that the UN always implements tested and proven models in conflict-ridden countries. The DDR process continuing in Nepal is not known to all. The conflict in Nepal is not only ideological, it is also colored with regionalism and ethnicity. Whatever models the UN has applied in the failed African countries could be disastrous here.
India has strongly criticized UNMIN for holding clandestine meetings with some Nepali armed groups on Indian soil. UNMIN seems to have been mixing with marginalized and ethnic communities against which PM Koirala has expressed dissatisfaction as overstepping its mandate.
UNMIN should conduct itself as a “neutral party” without taking sides and without any consideration to party, class or ethnicity. The Maoists have been celebrating their victory day on November 24 to mark their successful attack on the Nepal Army in Dang. When UNMIN representatives participate in the ceremony in Chitwan and inspect the guard of honor, it can’t be considered as impartial behavior. Moreover, UNMIN has been encouraging the atrocious militants and trying to put them on the same level as the Nepal Army. Isn’t it unfair to the national army which has been abiding by the peace accords and working as per the aspirations of the Nepali people?
This is the other dubious aspect of UNMIN about which the Nepali people do not know. Should the UNMIN chief be briefing only the UN headquarters? Shouldn’t he be informing the general public, the government and various other groups in Nepal too? The recent tragic accident of an UNMIN helicopter in Ramechhap where the media was denied access and the people their right to information provides a good reflection of UNMIN’s working style. UNMIN needs to do a thorough introspection. We do not want it to be a failed mission. Nor do we want it to be just a white elephant or an INGO. (Kantipuronline)

India must speak out

By: Tarun Vijay
Ian Martin is a favourite cultural czar of the strong western Christian lobby who considered it prudent to station him during the tumultuous period when a new Christian dominated country like East Timor was being carved out of Indonesia. He was secretary general of Amnesty International and has also served in Bosnia-Hercegovina. His best known book is Self-determination in East Timor. As was in vogue during the liberation theology days in Maharashtra's Talasari area where Marxists and the Jesuits carried out a joint programme authored by the World Council of Churches, Martin is dividing Nepal into smaller identities. He is also working with the Maoists to ensure they stay in power and their aides are fully integrated into Nepal's Army, Armed Police Force and the Nepal Police. There is great resentment against this move among the loyal Nepalese forces which are disciplined and well-groomed and have recruited members after rigorous tests, interviews and verification of antecedents. On the contrary, the new entrants to these forces – the Maoists – are simple rogues who were inducted into the Maoist PLA either through compulsion or by selling them false dreams. Their induction into the regular Nepalese army will not only seriously affect the morale of the patriotic forces but give an immense boost to the terror outfit of Maoists to retain their hold on the governance and administration through newly-inducted Maoist soldiers in the state force. Martin has been issuing statements and giving interviews each day like an extra-constitutional head or the correctionist interceptor. And instead of limiting himself to the monitoring of elections, he is becoming a self-appointed initiator of 'security reforms' and 'inclusion of marginalised sections'. The Maoists have compromised with the pride and self-esteem of the nation by demanding in their 23-point Comprehensive Peace Agreement that elections be held under UN supervision. This implies that the Nepalese people are not capable of holding elections to their own constituent assembly. The UN Security Council established the United Nation's Mission In Nepal (UNMIN) under Resolution 1740 (2007) for one year with a clear mandate to monitor the Maoist ceasefire and assist elections to the Constituent Assembly. But under Martin, UNMIN has made people wonder about its real motives. Martin began direct talks with the rebel Madhesi groups, gave special interviews and issued press statements about including “marginalized” groups like Dalits and Janajatis (tribals) even as UNMIN staff shut their eyes to the vandalism of the Maoist youth wing – the Young Communist League. Even before the process of verifying Maoist “soldiers” could be completed, Martin said he would ensure that all Maoists were confined to their respective cantonments. He also said those who killed Maoist workers in Terai would be punished though he had nothing to say about the murder and mayhem the Maoists indulged in. Martin has been accused of advocating press censorship in Nepal, prompting a journalist to ask him why UNMIN is raising the issue of press “ethics” and appealing to “exercise press freedom in accordance with professionalism”. He was defensive rather evasive in his answer. He said in his briefing to the Security Council that ''... most important for the completion of UNMIN's arms monitoring mandate (is) that there is progress towards decisions about the future of those Maoist combatants whose status is verified within the framework of decisions about the future of Nepal's security sector”. Martin admits in the next paragraph that “views and expectations about the future of the security sector differ greatly and it would be unrealistic to expect quick and easy decisions”. Working on this “line of thought”, he builds up a case for extending his tenure and said at a press conference on November 6 last year that UNMIN was expected to assist on issues regarding Nepal’s security, including a managed transition of the Maoist army from temporary cantonments and restriction of the Nepal army inside barracks. He not only equates the regular Nepal army with the rogue band of the Maoists but emphasises a greater role for himself through providing “assistance” in the security sector and “greater advisory support for promoting public security”. Back in July 2007, Martin had said “only Nepalese actors can rise to these challenges”, but in January this year, he began lobbying for an extension by praising the political groups – ostensibly the Maoists – who have been violating every single UN guideline for transparent conduct of the elections. In fact Maoists have left no one in doubt by issuing at least two public statements implying that the UNMIN is working at their behest. Baburam Bhattarai, second-in-command at the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), has also issued a veiled threat to send UNMIN packing if it “doesn't behave”. Under these circumstances the security scene in Nepal remains uncertain. Nepal turned red and the peoples' verdict should be respected. Who else knows it better than the Indians who have learnt to accept such major turnarounds with an unmatched grace and an élan that is rare in this part of the world. So Nepal's new rulers have nothing to fear from Delhi. But do we have the same confidence in Kathmandu's new rulers?

The driving philosophy of the Maoists in Nepal was born in deep hate and intolerance. They hated those who were not on their side and physically eliminated their opponents. So far the tally says 15,000 were killed by the so-called Peoples' Liberation Army formed on the pattern of China's PLA by the Maoists. They are such dedicated followers of the dreadful legacy of Mao Tse Tung that they are ashamed to have any relation with their own motherland's culture, religion and civilisational traditions and would rather call themselves proud inheritors of an alien legacy which is being revisited by the younger generation in China. Mao’s biographies have been either deleted or shortened in Chinese text books and the entire Cultural Revolution period has finally been recognized as a gross mistake. But in this part of the underdeveloped, illiterate or semi-literate, corruption-laden land of weak and spineless politicians, Marx, Mao and Stalin are still gods of a leftist extremism, a fossilised cult of the bygone era. Like old moth-eaten files suddenly being dusted in a sleepy Naxalbari, communally hardcore, Maoist targets continue to be Hindus, Sanskrit schools and Nepalese Brahmins. None of the non-Hindus have been found to be anti-revolutionary. Clearly Capitol Hill and the House of the Saudis work better for their flock than the gestures of large-hearted, pot-bellied Delhi. Since India has remained mired in the same secular talibanism of the Left and the left-out variety and there are hardly any credible protests from nationalists against such gross human rights violations, the barbarism of Maoists continued for 10 years. The leader of the gang, Prachanda, became a hero for Delhi's glitterati, invited to address special media events as a red revolutionary. Now he is the new monarch in Kathmandu with special absolute powers. As was announced by his party, Nepal may soon have a presidential form of government. India was prepared to face this eventuality, which is a culmination of collective sins on part of all the parties who say they care for Indian interests. The last 10 years were the most crucial for India-Nepal relations as well as Nepal's domestic politics. India either bullied Nepal or simply ignored its plight. The Nepal watchers and big mouth friends were more interested in writing long reports and giving speeches in their backyard than forming any effective strategy to bail Nepal out from its crisis. Indian Marxists helped their ideological comrades quite openly and since the UPA government came to power with CPM help, their actions made it clear that they will be happy to see Maoists ruling Kathmandu. It just happened. Now South Block thinks it is prudent to engage Maoists and have them included in the mainline political flow rather than keep them at bay and invite further animosity. Prachanda will soon be officially invited to India and our new envoy-designate Rakesh Sood, fresh from his Afghanistan stint, shall be able to manage equations with the new palace owners who don't find any dichotomy in raising slogans about a proletariat revolution with a Rolex shining on their wrist. What are the threats that loom large on our radar if Prachanda chooses to show that he means Maoist business? Communists have never shown that power makes them sober and appreciative of a different view point. From Kannur to Singur and the blood-stained 'red corridor', the story is that power whets their appetite to be more lethal and spiteful. Nepal should not become a hotbed of superpower rivalry. This time China has gained clearly and with Tibet already in its control, it has reached the borders of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Besides, Martin would be helping the “harvesting agencies” of the proselytisers. India can't afford to be a mute spectator to the growing threats in her immediate neighbourhood. Martin should be sent back immediately and Maoists need to be engaged and monitored closely. So far Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee has acted well though belatedly. If one goes by his patriotic speeches in the Asia Society, we may have reasons to trust his diplomacy. (TOI)

You've Got A Friend: Nepal-India relation

Nepal's Maoist leader Prachanda, who is likely to be its new prime minister, has called for the scrapping of the India-Nepal peace and friendship treaty as well as a review of other pacts and agreements between the two countries. Sections of political opinion in Nepal view the India-Nepal friendship treaty as unequal, because it promotes a privileged security relationship between the two countries. But the various bilateral agreements also confer generous benefits on Nepal, the likes of which India grants to no other country. Treaties between the two countries allow Nepalis to freely travel, live, work and buy property in India, in effect providing Nepalis in India the same economic and educational opportunities as Indian citizens. In addition, Nepali goods enjoy duty- and quota-free access to the Indian market, subject to a few minimal restrictions. Any unpicking of the friendship treaty and other pacts will lead to a renegotiation of these benefits, which is something Nepal's Maoists must consider carefully. Given the Chinese inspiration of the Maoist ideology that drives Prachanda and his men, as well as China's desire to extend its footprint in South Asia, Nepal's new leaders may feel tempted to loosen ties with India and look to China instead for support. That, however, is a game that Nepal's royals have played before not to much avail. The ministry of external affairs must convince the Maoists that it is India which is Nepal's gateway to the world. Not only is India Nepal's largest trading partner, but the international community, which currently provides much of Nepal's development budget, looks to India for direction on Nepal. All of this cannot be replaced with Chinese aid. Moreover, the Nepalis have only to look north to Tibet to convince themselves that Indian influence may be relatively benign compared to an overwhelming Chinese influence. Maoist leaders themselves have much to thank Indian democracy for. Not only did many of them shelter in India at the height of the insurgency, India assisted in the constituent assembly elections in Nepal which eventually brought them to power. If the majority of Nepali opinion is in favour of revising the friendship treaty, New Delhi must go along with this sentiment while making sure its interests are protected in any revisions. New Delhi will need to maintain its contacts with all sections of Nepali opinion while keeping up a vigil on the India-Nepal border. But, the new power wielders in Nepal should also look closely at the Indian relationship and refrain from altering it too far for comfort. (TOI)

Maoist leader Prachanda wants Indo-Nepal Friendship treaty scrapped

Kathmandu, Apr.25 : Ties between India and Nepal are unlikely to get off to a positive start with the coming of a Maoist-led coalition government in Nepal, as Maoist leader Prachanda has upped the ante and demanded the scrapping of the 1950 India-Nepal Peace and Friendship Treaty.Prachanda told reporters here that several other treaties with India also needed to be revisited and reviewed, but added that he was all for a positive and constructive relationship with New Delhi.Prachanda, who is a frontrunner to be Nepal's next Prime Minister, said agreements like the India-Nepal Peace and Friendship Treaty needed to be consigned to the dustbin of history, as it has been deemed to be unequal from a security relations point of view.The Maoists, he said, are also likely to demand the scrapping, or the review of the 1996 Mahakali Treaty, which governs the sharing of waters of the Mahakali of Sharda River for irrigation and generation of hydel power.He also ruled out immediate chances of the Maoists renouncing their arms, but added that reactionary violence would be halted.The Maoists, who have won a general election in Nepal after remaining political pariahs since 1996, also want to stop a 200-year-old tradition of allowing members of their Gurkha community enrolling with the British and Indian armies.Terming this practice as humiliating and mercenary, Pranchanda and other Maoist and Left leaders are of the view that the Gurkhas should serve the Nepal Army. They have promised to look after them economically.The Gurkhas, on the other hand, continue to wrestle with a moral dilemma of choosing a life of dignity or a life which will ensure livelihood and sustenance.Aqbout 3,400 Gurkhas serve in the British Army and 40,000 in the Indian Army. The Gurkhas also serve in Singapore's elite security service.The Maoist insurgency in Nepal between 1996 and 2006 claimed the lives of over 13,000 people. The levels of violence dropped towards the end of 2005, with the Maoist leadership agreeing to have a political alliance and understanding with other parties in Nepal in a bid to replace the monarchy with a republic. That dream has now become a reality with the results of the April 10 Constituent Assembly elections.(Nepal news.net)

Maoist win in Nepal could spell curtains Gurkhas

London, Apr.25 : The tradition of Gurkha soldiers being an integral part of the UK armed forces is probably at risk with the coming to power of the Maoists.The Maoists are the largest party in the 601-seat constituent assembly after a surprise election result. Though they do not have a majority, the preliminary results give them 217 seats, and this the former rebels say will allow them to end the practice of allowing Gurkhas to enrol for the British and Indian armies.Baburam Bhattarai, a Maoist leader, said: "The obnoxious practice of your citizens joining foreign armies as mercenaries will be stopped."But this has been met with opposition among former soldiers - and politicians in Britain. "Nothing stirs a Gurkha more than his honour dared, but here we are in a fix," said Mahendra Lal Rai, secretary of the largest former Gurkha soldiers' group."We do feel like mercenaries fighting for foreign armies, but who can deny our economic reality, our compulsions? We are caught between pride and practicality."Nick Harvey MP, the Liberal Democrat shadow defence secretary, was quoted by the Scotsman as saying: "This would be a disaster for the British Army, and a disaster for those who are, and may wish to become Gurkhas."The contribution Gurkhas make to Britain's armed forces is invaluable. Any prospect that we could lose the service Gurkhas give this country only serves to highlight the poor treatment that their veterans have been subjected to by the British government," he added.The Lib-Dems want Gurkhas who left the army before 1997 to be granted the same right as those who retired since then to live in the UK.There are around 3,500 Gurkhas currently serving in the British army.Last year, about 17,500 Nepalese youths battled to secure 230 places on offer in the army. They are motivated by economic reality as well as a proud fighting tradition.They earn the same 28,000 pounds basic wage as British personnel and now qualify for a UK pension and the right to retire in the country.Nepal is one of the world's poorest countries - the typical wage is less than 300 pounds a year and 40 per cent of the population live in poverty.(Nepal News .net)

Maoist Chairman Prachanda interacts with donors, UN reps

KATHMANDU, April 24 - With the CPN-Maoists emerging as the largest party in the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections, the Maoists held talks with donor agencies and UN representatives in the capital today.
At the interaction this morning, Prachanda said, ”Our commitment to peace, multi-party politics, a federal republican setup and drafting a new constitution may be a new one, but there is a situation where our international friends need to change their perspective, as some think that we are mechanical and hardliners which is not true.”
While the US has not removed the former rebel Maoists from its list of terrorist groups, Prachanda also held informal discussions with US ambassador to Nepal Nancy J Powell during the programme.
Prachanda expressed hope that the US government would change its policy and reconsider its decision after today’s crucial interaction.
A special committee to be formed would carry out the task of integrating the Maoists’ People’s liberation Army into the Nepal Army and the process will move ahead along with the process of drafting a new constitution, the Maoist Chairman said.
Prachanda also lauded the role played by the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), since its arrival in Nepal.
”We are discussing the extension of UNMIN’s mandate in Nepal with other parties and we will have reached a conclusion in this regard before the CA meeting,” Prachanda said in the programme.
Prachanda also urged the assembled agency workers not to think that the first CA meeting will end the monarchy and establish the country as a republic.
Similarly, talking about relations with India, Prachanda stressed on the need to revoke the 1950 Nepal-India treaty and to review other treaties signed with India.
Emerging from the interaction, Maoist Chairman Prachanda said that he was convinced that a new process of international assistance would begin after the discussion with the donors.
The donor agency representatives underscored that a lasting peace should prevail in the country after the formation of a new constitution, he informed.
At the beginning of the interaction held at the UN building in Lalitpur today, the Maoists mentioned the ongoing peace process, formation of a new constitution, alliance with other political parties, army integration and physical development.
Arranger of the interaction and UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator Robert Piper informed that the conference discussed the peace process, new constitution, development, education and health, among other issues. (Kantipuronline)

Stop rationalizing defeat

By Dr Hari Bansha Dulal
Those who call themselves diehard democrats but remain enamored by the Maoist win in Nepal need to return to reality urgently. For if they do not, this “surprise” Maoist victory will turn into a lengthy series of astonishing feats.
The humiliating defeat of Nepal’s democratic forces is a consequence of the convergence between the following elements: A failure of collective intellect, dedicated effort, and imagination. In aggregate, these individual deficiencies amounted to a gross underestimation of Maoist capacity - much of which was allegedly based upon the application of dubious methods. Where collective intellect and effort are concerned, the debate is bound to rage on. But where failure in imagination goes, it becomes necessary to put oneself inside the Maoist mind and see things as they see them, to understand their beliefs, strategy, and supporting tactics.
Bridging the intellectual chasm that divides the Maoist worldview from the democratic worldview is not a simple task. It takes tremendous patience, conviction and moral rectitude to recognize elements that differentiate one’s political outlook from those of one’s rivals. Had either the Nepali Congress (NC) or United Marxist Leninist (UML) leadership taken time to dispassionately evaluate the Maoist machine, they would have understood long ago that the Maoists are in this to win - not to compromise, or become mainstreamed or to play by anyone else’s rules but their own.
For the Maoists, the game that began with projecting feudalism as the root of all evil will logically end with the realization of their strategic intent. The Maoists’ goal of using different combinations of bullets and ballots (and whatever other mechanisms and individuals that happen to be available) will culminate only when all marginal threats to their expanding power base have been eliminated. Whether this process of elimination occurs figuratively or literally, whether through perversions of democratic process or through decrees, are all secondary to the question of what remains the Maoists’ strategic end-goal?
The best way to have this question answered is to ask it: “Do the Maoists intend to exercise a system of vibrant multiparty democracy as defined by Western standards or do they intend to implement their own vision of democracy in Nepal?” The relevance of this targeted question remains the contradictory manner in which Maoists within their party have traditionally responded, and unfortunately, the manner in which Nepal’s rent-seeking civil society pundits have interpreted available Maoist responses.
In effect, allegations that the Maoists used undemocratic methods to subvert their competition during constituent assembly elections simply cannot be written off using rationale which suggests that the NC and the UML did the same, a decade ago. By extension of this line of reasoning, is the hypothetical implementation of a one-party communist republic justified based on the fact that Mahendra implemented a one-party Panchayat system a half-century ago? Barring differences based on political extremities, the logic is identical - and equally flawed.
While it is hardly surprising that the Maoists will continue to leverage ethnic appeal to fulfill their remaining agendas, it is completely shocking to read staunch democrats justify the Maoist victory on grounds of political goodwill generated through the Maoist insurgency. Is goodwill borne of political cleansing and then capitalized on through the absence of choice, a new democratic standard for Nepalese to look forward to?
Understanding a problem is the first half of the path to solving it. The democratic forces in Nepal should learn a lesson from how the Maoists have done “business” to date. The Maoist method of power consolidation amounts to restrictions over choice, populism over substance, and the use and abuse of any and all elements that elevate the Maoists’ chances of consolidating their powerbase.
The next step in the Maoist game plan is to garner international legitimacy through a power-sharing arrangement with the NC and UML. Ironically, Maoist strongman Pushpa Kamal Dahal is guilt-tripping the NC and UML into remaining within the Maoist government by citing the need to live up to past agreements. As for unprincipled individuals like Bam Dev Gautam, he isn’t far behind on the list of “useful idiots” and may be written off as an aspiring Maoist.
The point here is that the utility of the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) is not quite over for the Maoists. The Maoists still need the UML and the NC to maintain international cover, while the Maoists mould a constitution of their choice. They understand that if the constitution-making process is delayed and that the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) returns to the power in India, the Maoists’ days of smooth sailing will be over. So, until the constitution of their liking is drafted and the Maoists are positioned to sweep the next round of local and parliamentary elections, they will continue to extend olive branches to the NC and the UML.
The urge to cling to a false sense of short-term power at the detriment of a vibrant, long-term democracy is something that both the NC and UML should carefully consider. As far as past agreements are concerned, elected NC and UML members to the constituent assembly are already positioned to fulfill their parties’ commitments. At this time, it may be more appropriate for the NC and UML to engage in some long overdue introspection, soul-searching and re-invention so their parties do not re-perform the recent acts of humiliation when the time for parliamentary elections arrives. There’s nothing wrong with these parties for some “time off” from the daily grind of governance to get their own houses in order.
For the Maoists, the game is almost over. They have substantially weakened the UML and are in the process of accommodating the Royalists. By suggesting the provision of social, economic, and cultural rights to the king they have indirectly tested the public’s appetite for a ceremonial monarchy using different terms (“monarchy with certain cultural rights”). By hinting at providing space to the Nepal’s King, the Maoists have once again attempted to define the direction of the Nepali’s political debate. In essence, they are experimenting BP Koirala’s notion of national reconciliation but once more, by using different terms. The Maoists are systematically recreating their own public image while eroding the defining characteristics of their political opponents.
Under such a radically transformed environment, the mainstream political parties of yesteryears can only survive by positioning themselves in the center and forming an alliance to protect multiparty democracy. The NC and UML need to spearhead efforts to align moderates from all walks on political life in Nepal. This act, in essence, must address the urgent need to guarantee the sustenance of multiparty democratic politics in Nepal and have nothing to do with opposing the Maoists. If the Maoists construe the formation of such an alliance as unacceptable to their agenda, people must understand that there’s a fundamental problem with the Maoist agenda, not the proposed multiparty alliance. If it serves to assuage the Maoists’ fragile sensibilities, they (along with their leftist alliance partners) may be invited as observers to the alliance of multiparty democrats. Who knows? The Maoists might even learn a thing or two? (Kantipuonline)
hbdulal@gmail.com

People Vote for Change: Nepal Election

KATHMANDU, April 12 - The Nepali people have put their faith in the Maoists for the sake of change and have voted for them overwhelmingly.
The counting of votes shows a clear groundswell for the Maoists across the country except in the central Tarai where Madhesi regional parties are also doing well.
All the top Maoist leaders have been elected to the Constituent Assembly, defeating their contenders with huge margins, irrespective of the constituencies they contested.
Maoist Chairman Prachanda defeated NC’s Rajendra KC with a margin of 11,123 votes in Kathmandu-10. Prachanda bagged 23,277 votes against KC’s 12,154.
The Maoist second-in-command Dr Babu Ram Bhattarai, who is a candidate from Gorkha-2, was leading vote count with a huge margin of over 30,000 votes till midnight. His nearest rival is Chandra Prasad Neupane.
Maoist spokesman and Minister for Information Krishna Bahadur Mahara won with 20,492 votes against his contender NC candidate Anita Devkota’s 10,671. Maoist leader Pampha Bhushal defeated UML’s Raghuji Pant by a margin of 8,298.
Maoists’ senior leader Ram Bahadur Thapa “Badal” defeated NC’s Ek Nath Rana Bhat with a huge margin.
But senior UML and NC leaders lost the elections. CPN-UML General Secretary Madhav Nepal was defeated by the Maoist candidate in Kathmandu-2 and NC’s acting president Sushil Koirala was defeated by Madhesi People’s Right Forum (MPRF)candidate Sarva Dev Ojha in Banke-3.
The Maoists have stormed into the UML’s erstwhile bastion of Kathmandu Valley, winning a majority of the seats here. But the Maoists have also made inroads into the NC’s traditional strongholds — Tanahun, Chitwan, Kailali, Banke and Kanchanpur districts.
Kathmandu Valley has elected all new faces to its 15 seats except Narayan Man Bijukchhe in Bhaktapur-1. Bijukchhe’s Nepal Workers Peasants Party (NWPP) was able not only to retain its control over its traditional stronghold but also win Bhaktapur-2, which was won by the NC twice in the past three parliamentary polls. Sunil Prajapati of NWPP defeated the NC candidate there.
In about a dozen seats in the Tarai from Morang in the east to Banke in the west, the MPRF is in a leading position. In Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala’s home district of Morang, MPRF candidates were in leading positions as of late night Saturday. (The Kathmandu Post)